Конгрес Сполучених Штатів Америки у формуванні зовнішньополітичної стратегії ХХІ століття

Abstract

У дисертації з’ясовано сучасну роль Конгресу в процесі формування і реалізації зовнішньополітичної стратегії США, визначено місце Конгресу в системі зовнішньополітичного механізму США, здійснено аналіз повноважень Конгресу США у сфері зовнішньополітичної діяльності. Автором досліджено вплив Конгресу США на формування та реалізацію зовнішньополітичних стратегій адміністрацій Дж. Буша-молодшого та Б. Обами. Здійснено аналіз співпраці Президентів Сша з Конгресом та механізмів підтримки американським законодавчим органом ключових ініціатив обох президентів. Розкрито особливості формування й реалізації європейського, тихоокеанського та близькосхідного векторів зовнішньополітичної стратегії США та окреслено перспективи участі Конгресу США в формуванні та реалізації зовнішньополітичної стратегії адміністрації Д. Трампа із врахуванням переваги республіканців у обох палатах Конгресу 115 скликання (2017-2018 рр). The research topic relevance is argued by the fact that the study of the foreignpolicy strategies implementation is scientifically significant because of practical examples of conducting effective external policy and prediction of false political decisions. Considering the Ukrainian state-building conditions and national parliamentarism development, the examples of the foreign-policy strategies implementation by other countries’ parliaments represent the actual field of research in contemporary political science. Determination of the optimal algorithms for the foreignpolicy intelligent decision-making is a principle direction of research in the times of external armed aggression against Ukraine. For this case, the foreign-policy strategies of the United States Congress form a substantial area for scientific studies and international experience accumulation that will contribute to the formation of relevant conclusions, proposals and recommendations for the acting state authorities of Ukraine, influential institutions and policy makers. The object of the study is the United States foreign-policy strategy; the subject is the participation of Congress in shaping the United States foreign-policy strategy of the 21st century. The chronological framework of research is specified by its problematic-thematic orientation and cover the period of the two United States administrations led by George W. Bush and Barack Obama. The bottom line of the study, 2001, is determined by the beginning of the George W. Bush government; and the upper line, 2017, is fixed by the end of the Barack Obama government second cadence. The thesis examines the American geopolitical strategies of the U.S. presidents – G. W. Bush and B. Obama. It is conducted an analysis of their cooperation with the U.S. Congress and the mechanisms by which the American legislature has supported the key initiatives of both presidents. Separately, G. W. Bush’s geopolitical strategies have been explored in the following directions: intensifying conflicts with individual countries, systematic assistance to the AIDS patients, prevention of violations of international law, fighting against terrorism and threats to the world order. Under the presidency of G. W. Bush, the Congressional acting in the foreign-policy field could be characterized as wavelike, depending on the President’s popularity. In particular, when the presidential policy loses people’s support and begins to fail, as it has been during the occupation of Iraq, the Congress may insist on more rigorous approaches to forming a foreign-policy course and challenge the President decisions. The success of Congress’ impact largely depends on its strong majority and ability to gather enough support. Also, the research examines B. Obama’s geopolitical National Security Strategies 2010 and 2015, which are more loyal and peaceful. The author reveals the formation and implementation peculiarities of the European vector in the U.S. foreign-policy strategy, which is defined as a complex of Washington's interactions with European states in the following areas: bilateral economic relations; transatlantic cooperation within NATO; the U.S. – Russian relations and determination of the "Ukrainian" factor importance in the Ukraine – U.S. – Russia triangle of interests. The author concludes that the relations between the transatlantic allies have not worsened during the discussed period as well as they have not acquired a unity in security and defence policy under both administrations. It is suggested that Russia is a "deterrent" factor in building up Washington’s full-fledged partnership with European states within NATO. Moreover, Ukraine as a state that can potentially become a member of NATO is the collision object of the U.S. – Russian interests. The author carried out a comparative analysis of Washington’s Pacific foreignpolicy direction for Republican and Democratic administrations in the 21st century. The evolution features of foreign-policy initiatives and methods of their implementation in two formats are revealed. The first format of interaction between the U.S. and the AsiaPacific region (APR) states is described as multi-vector cooperation. Such policy was primarily implemented by the administration of G. W. Bush, and the foundations for the multi-vector interplay with the regional states, including China, without any specific emphasis on competition or general counteraction was laid in the APR. The pre-set pace of cooperation with the APR countries was modified and extended by B. Obama in the format of interaction through the creation of alliances and countermeasures to China, primarily, in the military and economic spheres. A common feature of the foreign-policy strategies of the Republicans and Democrats was the economic factor, in particular, the creation of the Trans-Pacific Strategic Partnership under the presidency of B. Obama. The thesis determines the strategic principles of the U.S. policy in the Middle East as well. The author identifies an element of heredity in the policy of Republicans and Democrats in the mentioned region, embodied in three following areas: the counterterrorism, the spread of democratic values, and economic contacts. It can be proved the fact of evolution and expansion of the Middle East vector of the U.S. foreign-policy under B. Obama cadence that concerns, particularly, the significance of Iran in Washington’s foreign-policy initiatives in the context of its involvement in the problem of Iranian nuclear program and the sanction regime, which has been declined by B. Obama. Finally, the study outlines the prospects for the U.S. Congress participation in shaping and implementing the foreign-policy strategy of the Donald Trump administration, taking into account the Republicans’ advantages in both houses of the 115th U.S. Congress (2017-2018). From the author's point of view, the aggressive rhetoric and unpredictable policies of the incumbent U.S. president complicate making counterbalanced foreign-policy decisions.